The authors of this study examine the relationships between historical exposure to Islamic kingdoms and current economic, medical, and educational development in Africa. They predict that ethnic groups that were previously ruled by Islamic states or chiefdoms will have worse outcomes today, theorizing that these worse outcomes would be not as a result of an inherent characteristic of Islam or Islamic kingdoms themselves but rather decreased investment by colonial states or missions. Their results lend some support to their hypotheses, and particularly to the predictions that Christian missions and colonial states would not be able to penetrate areas under Islamic influence as easily as other regions.

The authors of this study examine the relationships between historical exposure to Islamic kingdoms and current economic, medical, and educational development in Africa. They predict that ethnic groups that were previously ruled by Islamic states or chiefdoms will have worse outcomes today, theorizing that these worse outcomes would be not as a result of an inherent characteristic of Islam or Islamic kingdoms themselves but rather decreased investment by colonial states or missions. Their results lend some support to their hypotheses, and particularly to the predictions that Christian missions and colonial states would not be able to penetrate areas under Islamic influence as easily as other regions.

The authors of this study examine the relationships between historical exposure to Islamic kingdoms and current economic, medical, and educational development in Africa. They predict that ethnic groups that were previously ruled by Islamic states or chiefdoms will have worse outcomes today, theorizing that these worse outcomes would be not as a result of an inherent characteristic of Islam or Islamic kingdoms themselves but rather decreased investment by colonial states or missions. Their results lend some support to their hypotheses, and particularly to the predictions that Christian missions and colonial states would not be able to penetrate areas under Islamic influence as easily as other regions.

The authors of this study examine the relationships between historical exposure to Islamic kingdoms and current economic, medical, and educational development in Africa. They predict that ethnic groups that were previously ruled by Islamic states or chiefdoms will have worse outcomes today, theorizing that these worse outcomes would be not as a result of an inherent characteristic of Islam or Islamic kingdoms themselves but rather decreased investment by colonial states or missions. Their results lend some support to their hypotheses, and particularly to the predictions that Christian missions and colonial states would not be able to penetrate areas under Islamic influence as easily as other regions.

This study investigated the difference in rates of violence of precolonial states and stateless ethnic groups in postcolonial Africa. The author hypothesized ethnic groups of precolonial states (PCS) would experience more violence, (i.e. coup attempts and civil wars) than non-PCS groups. The author suggested that because of PCS countries’ inability to allow rival ethnic groups into power positions in addition to the extra power PCS groups gained under colonial rule may lead to more violence.

This study investigated the difference in rates of violence of precolonial states and stateless ethnic groups in postcolonial Africa. The author hypothesized ethnic groups of precolonial states (PCS) would experience more violence, (i.e. coup attempts and civil wars) than non-PCS groups. The author suggested that because of PCS countries’ inability to allow rival ethnic groups into power positions in addition to the extra power PCS groups gained under colonial rule may lead to more violence.

This study investigated the difference in rates of violence of precolonial states and stateless ethnic groups in postcolonial Africa. The author hypothesized ethnic groups of precolonial states (PCS) would experience more violence, (i.e. coup attempts and civil wars) than non-PCS groups. The author suggested that because of PCS countries’ inability to allow rival ethnic groups into power positions in addition to the extra power PCS groups gained under colonial rule may lead to more violence.

The researchers test the relationship between political complexity among African pre-colonial ethnic institutions and contemporary economic performance (using light-density data as a proxy). Their tests yield a robust positive association even after controlling for multiple alternative geographic, cultural, and economic variables, which they interpret as underscoring the ongoing importance of ethnic-specific institutions in shaping economic activity in contemporary Africa.

This article investigates the degree of political centralization in pre-industrial and the political competitive outcomes in 15 modern-day Sub-Sahara African countries. The authors first report that pre-colonial centralization decreases political competitiveness in modern day countries, advocating that traditional power structures play a role in modern day politics. The authors then use light-density as a proxy for regional development and test developmental outcomes based on political centralization and competitiveness. They report pre-colonial centralization positively affected regional development and suggest this could be due to more centralized institutions increasing the capacity of chiefs to mobilize voters, in turn lowering political competition and increasing the accountability of elected officials. Many controls are introduced.

This article studied the effects of common law in Sub-Saharan Africa on property rights of women and its relationship to intimate partner violence. The authors first compared intimate partner violence (IPV) in 593 ethnic groups with a separate marital property regime against groups with a community marital property regime. Then, the authors examined the correlation between women who justify IPV and the presence of a separate marital property regime. They found that separate marital property both increased the likelihood of intimate partner violence and the justification of IPV when compared to a community property regime. The authors use these findings to advocate for marital property rights reform to help reduce partner violence cases.